{"id":208039,"date":"2026-10-19T14:50:18","date_gmt":"2026-10-19T11:50:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/208039\/"},"modified":"2026-10-19T14:50:20","modified_gmt":"2026-10-19T11:50:20","slug":"designed-as-decoration-all-belarusian-peoples-assembly-may-go-out-of-control","status":"publish","type":"longreads","link":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/208039\/","title":{"rendered":"Designed as decoration, All-Belarusian People\u2019s Assembly may go out of control"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

On the 30th anniversary of the All-Belarusian People\u2019s Assembly, Belarus\u2019 state-controlled media have hailed it as a \u201csummit of people\u2019s power,\u201d a \u201csociety stabilizer\u201d and \u201ca compass for the development of sovereign Belarus.\u201d In reality, the forum of officials has served the interests of one man determined to cling to power.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\n (Belarusian leader and Viasna websites\/Pozirk's collage)<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka convened the first meeting of the All-Belarusian People\u2019s Assembly in 1996 in a bid to rally his supporters during a standoff with the Supreme Soviet over his push to expand his powers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0141uka\u0161enka handpicks loyalists<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Supreme Soviet, Belarus\u2019 democratically elected legislature, resisted \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s efforts to push through constitutional amendments that would eventually give him sweeping powers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The gathering of loyalists was a way to demonstrate that he enjoyed popular support, while portraying a small group of MPs as standing in the way of an alleged majority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Assembly was not a constitutional institution at the time, making its creation an initiative driven by \u0141uka\u0161enka himself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Most importantly, delegates were not elected but handpicked by local executive authorities from among \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s loyalists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not surprisingly, participants at the convention, held on October 19\u201320, 1996, adopted a resolution endorsing \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Citing this purported expression of broad public support, \u0141uka\u0161enka held a constitutional referendum, disbanded the Supreme Soviet and established the National Assembly, a parliament loyal to him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since then, the All-Belarusian People\u2019s Assembly has been transformed, enshrined in the Constitution and granted broad powers on paper.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Its essence, however, remains unchanged: it is a forum of carefully selected loyalists designed to simulate public support for the Belarusian ruler\u2019s policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0141uka\u0161enka becomes Assembly chairman<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

After breaking the Supreme Soviet\u2019s resistance in 1996, \u0141uka\u0161enka faced no major political challenge for many years. He had little need to convene the Assembly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the ruler, with his Soviet background, was fond of the Soviet-style ritual of gathering loyalists for events reminiscent of Communist Party congresses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He convened the Assembly regularly to approve five-year plans for Belarus\u2019 development.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the 2020 political crisis, however, when he came under unprecedented pressure to relinquish power, he may have viewed the Assembly as a potential fallback option.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2022, he adopted a new version of the Constitution that expanded the Assembly\u2019s powers. In April 2024, he was elected its chairman.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By then, however, he had decided against stepping down as president. In January 2025, he extended his presidential tenure by another five years. As de facto president and chairman of the All-Belarusian People\u2019s Assembly, he wields sweeping powers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0141uka\u0161enka wary of Assembly\u2019s powers<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Belarusian leader has expressed concern about the Assembly\u2019s powers, which it has yet to fully exercise.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The body may have up to 1,200 members serving five-year terms and must convene at least once a year to set strategic priorities for society and the government. Its powers include proposing legislation and constitutional amendments, approving domestic and foreign policy priorities and impeaching the president.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The All-Belarusian People\u2019s Assembly should perform its role without interfering in the work of other state bodies, \u0141uka\u0161enka warned in November 2024. He called for an end to excessive \u201cmeetings, correspondence and formalism\u201d and urged officials to avoid \u201cpitting one government body against another.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Earlier, he had also warned the Assembly against dominating other branches of power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In November 2025, he voiced concern that the Assembly could come into conflict with a future president who succeeds him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Can a dormant institution awaken?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Given his determination to retain power, \u0141uka\u0161enka is likely to hold on to both positions for as long as possible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A less likely scenario is that he could step down as president, install a successor and seek to control the new leader from his position as Assembly chairman, pulling the strings from behind the scenes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Whoever succeeds \u0141uka\u0161enka may be less able than he is to prevent the Assembly from exercising its powers. Rival factions vying for control could be tempted to use the body to advance their own interests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Instead of serving as a \u201csociety stabilizer,\u201d the Assembly could become a source of political crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As long as \u0141uka\u0161enka occupies both positions, the Assembly is likely to remain a dormant institution \u2014 a Communist Party-style prop designed to disguise the dictator\u2019s determination to retain power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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