{"id":207734,"date":"2026-10-16T13:28:31","date_gmt":"2026-10-16T10:28:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/207734\/"},"modified":"2026-10-16T13:28:33","modified_gmt":"2026-10-16T10:28:33","slug":"cichanouskis-reform-proposal-is-a-hard-sell","status":"publish","type":"longreads","link":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/207734\/","title":{"rendered":"Cichano\u016dski\u2019s reform proposal is a hard sell"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Exiled former presidential hopeful Siarhiej Cichano\u016dski has proposed \u201ca serious reform\u201d of the pro-democracy movement in a YouTube video, seeking to give himself and other former political prisoners who are currently sidelined a greater say in its affairs.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\n (Strana Dlia Zhizni, Pozirk, svaboda.org \/ Pozirk's collage)<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

All actors and fighters should be involved<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Cichano\u016dski suggested that the board of a new opposition organization should consist of protest leaders, former presidential candidates and other \u201cworthy people.\u201d He argued that \u201call actors, all fighters who really have followers or support, even small one\u201d should be involved in devising the movement\u2019s strategy and tactics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He mentioned former presidential candidates Viktar Babaryka and Valer Capka\u0142a, Capka\u0142a\u2019s wife Vieranika, his own wife \u015aviat\u0142ana Cichano\u016dskaja, Maryja Kale\u015bnikava, veteran politicians Pavie\u0142 Sieviaryniec, Mika\u0142aj Statkievi\u010d and Zianon Pazniak, philosopher U\u0142adzimir Mackievi\u010d, and Pavie\u0142 \u0141atu\u0161ka.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The organization should elect a president to represent it in relations with Western partners. The board would also oversee the movement\u2019s spending to ensure transparency, he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cichano\u016dski suggested that the board could be elected at his wife\u2019s office or that a new organization could be established under the name Joint Office of Democratic Forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Calls for opposition unity are nothing new<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Calls for unity have recurred throughout the political history of independent Belarus. Opposition parties have formed electoral coalitions and attempted to establish a unified command structure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1999, the opposition established the Consultative Council of Opposition Political Parties under the aegis of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). However, Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka largely ignored its proposals, and the council lasted about three years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Coordinating Council of Democratic Forces, also formed in 1999, lasted even less time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2003, five political parties formed the Five Plus coalition, which evolved into the United Democratic Forces (UDF). The alliance put forward Alaksandar Milinkievi\u010d as the opposition\u2019s joint candidate in the 2006 presidential election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, the UDF faded into oblivion within a few years of the election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2009, opposition groups formed the Belarusian Independent Bloc ahead of the 2010 presidential election, but failed to build a strong coalition. Ten candidates ultimately contested the election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another attempt to unite the opposition came with the creation of the Coordination Council during the mass protests of August 2020. Such efforts tend to be more successful when an opposition movement is gaining momentum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cichano\u016dskaja\u2019s team under fire<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Today, however, the mood among opposition supporters is marked by disappointment and apathy. Cichano\u016dski noted this after his release in 2025, following five years behind bars. \u201cI have come out, but you are not the same as before,\u201d he told supporters at one of his rallies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As apathy sets in, Cichano\u016dskaja\u2019s team has faced mounting criticism and scrutiny over its failure to bring victory over the dictatorship closer and allegations of misusing funds provided by Western partners.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some of the criticism may stem from frustration. But there may be other reasons for discontent: the team may be out of touch with current realities, its messaging may be outdated and its dogmatic focus on sanctions is often seen as a sign of inflexibility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cichano\u016dski has recognized signs of a crisis within the opposition and appears to be trying to capitalize on discontent with its leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He is presenting himself as a constructive force while rallying critics. It is difficult to dispute the argument that the opposition movement needs reform. However, his proposed restructuring may not be enough to overcome the crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unanswered questions<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Cichano\u016dski may elaborate on his proposal soon. For now, many questions remain unanswered.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How would the opposition select those deemed worthy of joining the proposed board?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elections are unrealistic while repression continues in Belarus. Only 2,113 people voted in the Coordination Council election this year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cichano\u016dski suggested that the selection process take into account the number of signatures collected by \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s rivals during the 2020 presidential campaign.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, this would not be a comprehensive criterion. In any case, his wife would have a major advantage: she received about three million votes in the 2020 election and won 56 percent of the vote, according to mathematical assessments by the Ho\u0142as election monitoring platform. She arguably deserves a more prominent role than that of a mere board member.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Other questions remain. Who would define the board\u2019s powers? Would Western partners recognize its president at the same high level as they recognize Cichano\u016dskaja?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pazniak and Kale\u015bnikava, for example, would be unlikely to agree on strategy and tactics if they joined the board. If many potential members declined to participate, the body\u2019s authority would be questionable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many activists might also ask whether the new board would be better equipped to address their concerns than the existing opposition structures.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Independent-minded figures would likely continue to act as they pleased, disregarding decisions made by a joint leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cichano\u016dskaja\u2019s team unlikely to accept proposal<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Cichano\u016dskaja\u2019s team is unlikely to embrace the proposal, as the reform would significantly diminish its influence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Without the involvement of the existing leadership, the proposed reform risks producing little more than another forum for activists to meet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Capka\u0142a advocated a similar reform in 2022. He held two pro-democracy forums, announced the formation of the National Council of United Democratic Forces, and proposed holding elections monitored by international observers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

His initiative, however, failed to gain traction or attract substantial public support. Western partners have preferred to work with the existing structures led by Cichano\u016dskaja.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Putting his proposal into practice would therefore be an enormous challenge for Cichano\u016dski.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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