{"id":165303,"date":"2025-11-23T15:54:53","date_gmt":"2025-11-23T12:54:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/165303\/"},"modified":"2025-12-06T22:21:43","modified_gmt":"2025-12-06T19:21:43","slug":"belarus-state-propaganda-evolution","status":"publish","type":"longreads","link":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/165303\/","title":{"rendered":"Belarus\u2019 state propaganda evolution"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

By 2025, Belarus\u2019 authoritarian government had adopted a set of strategic narratives and built a centralized propaganda system as the country continued to lose its information sovereignty. The ruling regime uses the media not for communication but as a tool of psychological control and self-legitimization.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n \"\"\n
\n
\n\n Belarusian authorities renounced information sovereignty in favor of a Russian information umbrella\n <\/div>\n \n
\n (Pozirk)<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Under Russian umbrella<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2020 mass protests against a rigged presidential election and police brutality marked a turning point in the media landscape.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The government outlawed nearly all independent media, forcing hundreds of journalists into exile. Inside Belarus, a one-sided view of events now dominates, shaped by state outlets and Russian media.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The year 2025 also became a pivotal moment in the country’s political and information development. A presidential election was held in January. According to the Central Election Commission, incumbent Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka won almost 87 percent of the vote and began his seventh term on March 25.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

His campaign focused on stability and security under his leadership. State media attacked Western countries for alleged interference in Belarus\u2019 internal affairs. They promoted the idea of \u201celectoral sovereignty\u201d \u2014 rejecting international election standards in favor of a \u201cnational model,\u201d summarized by the message: \u201cWe will determine our own destiny, without instructions from outside.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The media became an instrument for strengthening authoritarian power, using information to cultivate loyalty and suppress dissent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The war in Ukraine was another major external factor shaping themes, terminology and narratives. Minsk did not simply repeat Russian talking points; it presented Belarus as part of a the information space of the Union of Belarus and Russia, meaning synchronized propaganda, anti-Western rhetoric and the construction of an internal and external enemy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sanctions and geopolitical isolation also played a major role. They are used as justification for \u201cBelarus\u2019 special path,\u201d creating a closed information and political environment in which any external opinion is treated as part of a \u201chybrid war.\u201d The \u201cinformation security of the nation\u201d is equated with the security of the regime, and \u201cinformation sovereignty\u201d is defined as the government\u2019s monopoly on the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Strategic context: foundations of propaganda after 2020<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the rigged August 2020 election, Belarus\u2019 state information policy entered a new phase. The system moved from limited pluralism to a centralized structure with features of military propaganda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This transition rests on four interconnected processes:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n
  1. erosion of information sovereignty<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  2. institutionalization of propaganda<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  3. elimination of independent media<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  4. a shift from defending \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s policies to sacralizing the ruler<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

    The government dismantled information sovereignty \u2014 defined in the 2019 Information Security Concept as the state\u2019s ability to independently control its information field.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    After the 2020 election and protests, Minsk abandoned \u201cinformation neutrality\u201d and adopted Russian media narratives, especially in coverage of Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine. Belarusian state media began retransmitting Russian propaganda justifying the aggression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Inside the country, propaganda became institutionalized. Journalism faculties and ideological departments formed a stable system for training loyal cadres. Training courses for media employees teach journalists to work as transmitters of state messages rather than as independent reporters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Meanwhile, independent media in exile were labelled \u201cextremist organizations,\u201d and both journalists and readers faced criminal prosecution. This created an information vacuum within the country and allowed state media to build a monopoly on interpreting events. Media are no longer allowed to discuss multiple viewpoints; they must promote \u201cstate interests\u201d and present this as \u201cinformation security.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Belarus has developed a stable authoritarian information system integrated into Russia\u2019s geopolitical project. Information is used not for communication but for control and mobilization. Its purpose is not to persuade but to suppress alternatives and maintain a fearful status quo that legitimizes violence and censorship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Institutional architecture<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Belarus has a large, vertically organized propaganda system, where each institution performs a specific function \u2014 from producing content to training personnel and creating ideological products.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    State media hold the central role: the BelTA<\/em> news agency, TV channels STV<\/em>, ONT<\/em>, Belarus 1<\/em>, the First Information Channel<\/em>, and outlets like SB. Belarus Segodnya<\/em>. These outlets do not simply transmit news; they act as nodes of centralized dissemination, producing content according to a uniform information strategy. Editorial decisions are controlled administratively, and the news agenda is shaped by officials.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Personnel engineering is another key element. The Academy of Public Administration, the Journalism Faculty of Belarusian State University and other institutions train journalists, political strategists and propagandists as ideological workers. Journalism as the \u201cfourth estate\u201d has been replaced by the \u201cideologically responsible communicator.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    The \u201cproject-based\u201d segment of propaganda is expanding: pseudo-documentaries, youth-branded initiatives and staged investigative-style productions that mix TV techniques, conspiracy theories and the rhetoric of law enforcement. State media employees often act openly as voices for the KGB.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    The state media\u2019s official priority is closer cooperation with Russian media giants, especially RT<\/em> and Sputnik<\/em>. This cooperation includes synchronized campaigns, joint content production and mirrored messaging. Media IQ analyses show that anti-Polish and anti-Ukrainian campaigns were synchronized within a single day.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Techniques and methods<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Belarusian propaganda uses methods that go far beyond narrative transmission. It is a full-scale system for shaping perception, where communication is based on managing emotions, fear and interpretation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    1. Emotionality and anxiety-driven storytelling<\/strong>
    State media fill coverage with images of threats, violence and instability \u2014 especially related to the West, Ukraine and domestic opposition. This creates a sense of constant danger, presenting the state and its leader as the only guarantors of safety.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    2. Controlled distortion and manipulation<\/strong>
    This includes fake news, partial truths and semantic distortions. The key technique is creating \u201cinformational equivalence,\u201d where audiences cannot distinguish truth from lies and adopt the narrative \u201cwe will never know the whole truth.\u201d This mindset helps justify passivity and reinforces authoritarian stereotypes such as \u201ceveryone lies.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    During the 2025 election, state media described \u201cunprecedented public activity,\u201d showing queues at early-voting stations while omitting that public-sector employees were forced to vote early.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    3. Staged performances and patriotic spectacles<\/strong>
    These include \u201cconfession\u201d interviews with former dissenters, stories about people returning from exile who claim to have \u201crealized their mistake\u201d and concerts for \u201cpeace and stability.\u201d Such performances create a theatrical version of reality to legitimize the regime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    4. Tight control over the internet<\/strong>
    Since 2021, authorities have actively used DPI (Deep Packet Inspection), allowing real-time filtering and blocking. Blacklists of websites and IPs are expanding. ISPs are required to track user activity. De-anonymization practices are growing: arrests for comments, accessing private chats, random smartphone checks. On May 4, Information Minister Marat Marka\u016d stated that \u201ccensorship is extremely necessary\u201d and accused the West of \u201cthe harshest suppression of freedom of speech.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Together, these techniques reduce citizens to objects of control. The goal is not persuasion but paralysis of critical thinking.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Independent media still a critical mass<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Despite repression, alternative information sources still exist abroad \u2014 an entire ecosystem of independent media in exile remains active and influential.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Surveys show that 25\u201339 percent of Belarusians follow independent media. These audiences hold very different views on key issues: for example, 94 percent of consumers of independent content oppose Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine, while 61 percent of state-media audiences support it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Although independent outlets face severe financial difficulties \u2014 especially after the United States suspended all foreign aid in early 2025 \u2014 the system remains resilient. Its stability is supported by internal competition, audience diversification and cooperation among media actors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Thus, Belarus\u2019 information space is not only defined by authoritarian monopolization. It also includes a strong alternative ecosystem that provides independent reporting, civic education and supports national identity. This duality distinguishes Belarus from many other authoritarian regimes and creates opportunities for preserving democratic institutions even during repression.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    By 2025, Belarus\u2019 authoritarian government had adopted a set of strategic narratives and built a centralized propaganda system as the country continued to lose its information sovereignty. The ruling regime uses the media not for communication but as a tool of psychological control and self-legitimization. Under Russian umbrella The 2020 mass protests against a rigged […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":69,"featured_media":164959,"template":"","rubric":[22],"class_list":["post-165303","longreads","type-longreads","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","rubric-theviewer"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nBelarus\u2019 state propaganda evolution | Pozirk<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"By 2025, Belarus\u2019 authoritarian government had adopted a set of strategic narratives and built a centralized propaganda system as the country continued to\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/165303\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Belarus\u2019 state propaganda evolution | Pozirk\" \/>\n<meta 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