{"id":159073,"date":"2025-10-08T10:52:45","date_gmt":"2025-10-08T07:52:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/159073\/"},"modified":"2025-10-08T17:16:28","modified_gmt":"2025-10-08T14:16:28","slug":"minsk-creating-kremlin-friendly-pantheon-of-national-heroes","status":"publish","type":"longreads","link":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/159073\/","title":{"rendered":"Minsk creating Kremlin-friendly pantheon of national heroes"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka regime is constructing a subnational peripheral identity for Belarus within Russia\u2019s imperial framework. A national pantheon is just one of the tools in this process.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\n (Pozirk's collage)<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

In late September, Belarusian authorities selected 55 historical figures for an official pantheon of national heroes, which will be depicted on five out of six bas-reliefs set to be installed on the fa\u00e7ade of the new National History Museum, currently under construction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0141uka\u0161enka proposed the creation of this pantheon on September 17, during a meeting with senior ideological officials, timed to coincide with National Unity Day. He outlined the criteria for selection as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe must understand who is a hero, who is an enemy, who contributed to world culture, science and history while maintaining ties with the Motherland, and who did the same but renounced their identity. We do not erase anyone from our history, but the emphasis must be clear and, preferably, without ambiguity.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The bas-reliefs cover different historical eras, ranging from antiquity to modern times, and feature specific individuals: grand dukes, saints, writers and Soviet officials.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet one name stands out as completely unexpected. On the bas-relief titled Belarus in the 5th \u2014 first half of the 13th century<\/em>, alongside figures like Usias\u0142a\u016d the Sorcerer, Euphrosyne of Po\u0142ack<\/strong>, and Cyril of Tura\u016d<\/strong>\u2014familiar to any Belarusian from school history books\u2014appears the name Yuryj Jaraslavi\u010d<\/strong>, a relatively obscure Tura\u016d prince from the 12th century. He was neither a dynasty founder, chronicler, saint, nor folk hero, but simply a minor prince known from historical sources.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, another prince, Hleb of Minsk<\/strong>, was excluded from the pantheon, despite his role in founding Minsk and his historical significance as a figure who fought against Vladimir Monomakh<\/strong>. Why was he overlooked? Was it because he opposed a prince revered in Russia? And, conversely, did Yuryj Jaraslavi\u010d<\/strong> gain prominence due to his connection with Yury Dolgoruky<\/strong>, the founder of Moscow?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The inclusion of Yuryj Jaraslavi\u010d<\/strong> is not just an oversight or unfortunate choice. It reveals how the Belarusian regime is attempting to construct a national identity while simultaneously undermining it. To fully grasp the reasoning behind this peculiar pantheon, we must first ask: What is a nation and how is it formed?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How nations are created<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The classic answer to the question of nation-building was provided by anthropologist Benedict Anderson in his 1983 book Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism<\/em>, which has become a foundational text in the study of nationalism. Anderson\u2019s thesis is both simple and radical: a nation is an “imagined political community”\u2014imagined as both limited and sovereign.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What does this mean in practice? You do not personally know every Belarusian, yet you feel a sense of belonging to the nation. This is an imagined social reality sustained by collective perceptions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is important to distinguish between nationality and ethnicity. Anderson’s work focuses on nationality as civic identity, not ethnicity. In English, these terms are clearly differentiated: an Israeli (nationality) can be Jewish, Arab, Druze, etc. (ethnicity). Civic identity does not depend on ethnic background.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, in Russian and Belarusian, the distinction is blurred. The word \u201c\u043d\u0430\u0446\u0438\u043e\u043d\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c\u201d (“nationality”) may refer to both citizenship and ethnicity. In Soviet times, the \u201cfifth line\u201d on documents referred to ethnicity, not citizenship. A Belarusian passport lists citizenship under \u201cnationality,\u201d with ethnicity noted only if requested.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But how exactly does this “imagination” work? Anderson identifies three key tools: Map, Museum and Census. The map creates a visual representation of territory as a unified whole. Colonial empires used censuses to classify subjects\u2014Malays, Chinese, Indians, etc. Each group was assigned a category. Over time, these labels became the basis for self-identification, as people began to think of themselves as members of the group they were assigned to.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The museum\u2014and this brings us to the pantheon\u2014creates a narrative of shared history. It selects from the chaos of the past specific figures, events and artifacts and arranges them into a coherent story: \u201cThis is who we were, who we became and who our heroes are.\u201d The museum is not just a collection of old things\u2014it is a machine for generating national identity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus, a pantheon of national heroes serves as a visualization of \u201cWho are we?\u201d The figures selected become focal points of collective memory, while those omitted are erased or marginalized.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What is \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s regime creating?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

It is not a civic nation, because\u2014contrary to the Constitution\u2014power in Belarus is usurped, and the people are excluded from governance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is not an ethnic nation, because Russification has marginalized the Belarusian language, and folk culture has been reduced to kitsch, such as the annual Dazhynki festivals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is not a purely imperial approach, because Belarus is an independent nation-state. While \u0141uka\u0161enka plays the role of Russia\u2019s younger brother, he still governs Belarus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why heroes are needed<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe have a unique situation: rather than the people creating the state, the state is creating the people,\u201d said Belarusian writer Sakrat Janowicz in 1992 during a meeting with his readers in Minsk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The classic approach to nation-building is different. In France, the nation was formed through the Great Revolution of 1789, which turned the king\u2019s subjects into citizens of the republic. The idea of popular sovereignty, a common language and shared values\u2014liberty, equality, fraternity\u2014emerged. The French nation was built as a political community: no matter your origin or your ancestors’ language, if you were loyal to the Republic and its values, you were French.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Germany took a different route. Remaining fragmented into dozens of principalities, the German nation was not built through state institutions but through culture: a shared language, literature, philosophy and 19th-century romanticism, which searched for the \u201cspirit of the people.\u201d In this case, the nation came before the state\u2014first, Germans recognized themselves as one people, and only in 1871 did the German Empire emerge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In both cases, however, the same mechanism was at work: national identity was built through heroes, myths and symbols. France had Joan of Arc<\/strong>, Napoleon<\/strong> and revolutionaries. Germany had Barbarossa<\/strong>, Luther<\/strong>, Goethe<\/strong> and Schiller<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These figures anchored collective memory. Their names were known to every schoolchild, their portraits printed on banknotes, and monuments erected in town centers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Belarus: burden of imperial legacy<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Belarusian nation came late to the stage. It missed the European \u201cspring of nations\u201d in the 19th century. The aristocracy was either Polonized or Russified, while peasants spoke Belarusian but did not see themselves as a separate nation\u2014more like \u201ctutej\u0161yja\u201d (locals). They identified as Russians if Orthodox or Poles if Catholic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the early 20th century, a foundation for the nation began to emerge\u2014through newspapers, schools, theaters, publishing houses and museums. World War I brought mass movements of people across Belarus\u2014military deployments and evacuations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This upheaval gave the Bolsheviks, who viewed themselves as subjects of the Russian Empire, the opportunity to suppress Belarusian self-determination. Instead of the short-lived Belarusian People’s Republic (BNR), the Bolsheviks offered the Byelorussian SSR, a republic fully subordinate to Moscow.
By the end of the Soviet era, the Belarusian language had been marginalized, and many Belarusians identified as part of the Soviet people, a Russian-speaking community.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the Soviet collapse, Belarus gained independence, but the sense of national identity remained weak: the language did not dominate, historical memory was fragmented, and there was no unified pantheon of heroes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Turning point<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Since coming to power in 1994, \u0141uka\u0161enka has attempted to construct a Belarusian identity from the top down, but in a peculiar way. The regime seeks to create a version of the nation that suits the ruler, one that aligns with his policy toward integration with Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The result is evident in the official 2025 pantheon. To understand its essence, we need to examine who is included\u2014and, just as importantly, who is not.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Six bas-reliefs, six messages<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Pantheon of National Heroes is not merely a tribute to individuals who have contributed to the nation\u2019s history. It is, in essence, a political manifesto\u2014an encoded message about the vision the regime wishes to project for the country\u2019s future and the community it wants to create.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bas-relief 1: antiquity<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This bas-relief depicts composite images of three tribes: the Kryvi\u010dy, Drehovi\u010dy and Radzimi\u010dy. It offers a glimpse into pre-Slavic antiquity, framed through an ethnographic lens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Message<\/strong>: We have existed since time immemorial; our roots trace back to the dawn of human history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bas-relief 2: 5th to early 13th century<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The message here is clear: Belarusian history begins with East Slavic unity, rooted in the common origins of Kievan Rus. This aligns with the traditional concept of the \u201ctriune Russian people,\u201d albeit presented more subtly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Message<\/strong>: Belarusian history is deeply intertwined with the East Slavic world, starting with Kievan Rus.

Bas-relief 3: 13th\u201318th century<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This bas-relief makes a notable omission: there is no representation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL), a state that played a key role in Belarusian history. Figures such as Vytautas the Great<\/strong>\u2014one of Eastern Europe\u2019s most powerful rulers, under whom the GDL reached its peak\u2014and Jogaila, the founder of the Lithuanian-Polish union, are missing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why this omission? The GDL was a state where the ancestors of modern Belarusians were part of the political elite and where Old Belarusian was the language of government. The GDL was distinctly opposed to Moscovy, representing an alternative history in which Belarusians were not part of the \u201cRussian world.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This would be a dangerous narrative for a regime that seeks legitimacy through integration with Russia.
Instead, figures like Franci\u0161ak Skaryna<\/strong>, Simeon of Po\u0142ack <\/strong>and Athanasius Filipovi\u010d<\/strong> are highlighted\u2014but not for their political or cultural influence in the broader European context. Skaryna is portrayed as an enlightener, not a Renaissance figure; Simeon as a churchman, not a cultural intellectual; Filipovi\u010d as an Orthodox polemicist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Message<\/strong>: The culture of Belarus during the 13th\u201318th centuries is rooted in Orthodox enlightenment, not in the powerful statehood of the GDL.

Bas-relief 4: late 18th to early 20th century<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This bas-relief highlights the social and cultural elite of Belarus, though the figures included are carefully selected. Belarusian literary giants are featured, but there is no mention of Kastu\u015b Kalino\u016dski<\/strong>, a leader of an anti-Russian uprising in 1863, who is considered by some historians to be one of the founding fathers of the Belarusian nation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This omission is striking. Until 2020, Kalino\u016dski was celebrated in Belarusian school textbooks. In 2019, \u0141uka\u0161enka even referred to him as \u201cour man,\u201d and an official delegation traveled to Vilnius to oversee the reburial of Kalino\u016dski\u2019s remains. Belarus even had an official order named after him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, after 2020, the regime\u2019s stance shifted. The 1863 uprising is now framed as a \u201cPolish and anti-Belarusian\u201d movement, and Kalino\u016dski\u2019s image has been tarnished in state media.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Message<\/strong>: Belarusian culture and public thought of the 19th and 20th centuries are only acceptable in their Russia-friendly forms\u2014literature, language and ethnography. Political resistance against the Russian Empire is ignored.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bas-relief 5: 1917\u20131991<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is no doubt that the regime seeks to establish continuity with the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR). Notably absent are figures from the Belarusian People\u2019s Republic (BNR), such as Vac\u0142a\u016d Lasto\u016dski<\/strong>, Jozef Lesik<\/strong> and Anton Luckievi\u010d<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Message<\/strong>: The Soviet legacy is legitimate; the national-democratic tradition of the BNR is not.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bas-relief 6: modern period<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This bas-relief showcases several Belarusian cultural figures and heroes. However, several prominent figures are glaringly absent, including Vasil Byka\u016d<\/strong>, a writer whose works became iconic in 20th-century Belarusian literature. Byka\u016d\u2019s novels, which explore moral dilemmas in crisis situations, are central to the country\u2019s existential literary canon. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

U\u0142adzimir Karatkievi\u010d<\/strong>, often regarded as Belarus’ answer to Henryk Sienkiewicz and a pioneer of romantic nationalism in Belarusian literature, is also missing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why these omissions? Both Byka\u016d and Karatkievi\u010d were too independent, too critical of authority, and their legacies could be interpreted in ways that do not align with the regime’s preferred narrative.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The reasons for these absences are not speculative\u2014representatives of the regime have openly explained their criteria.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Via\u010des\u0142a\u016d Dani\u0142ovi\u010d, deputy chairman of the House of Representatives Commission on Education, Culture and Science, clarified in an STV<\/em> interview that figures like Tadevu\u0161 Ka\u015bciu\u0161ka<\/strong>, although born in Belarus, are excluded because they defended foreign interests during the War of Independence. Kalino\u016dski, too, is considered controversial, though Dani\u0142ovi\u010d insists that this does not amount to erasure; it is simply an \u201cobjective\u201d assessment of their roles.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Message<\/strong>: Only those who are truly \u201cdeserving\u201d\u2014largely Soviet functionaries, Orthodox saints, and \u201csafe\u201d cultural figures\u2014are worthy of entering the pantheon. Figures who fought for independence or resisted external domination are deemed unworthy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Figures acceptable to Moscow<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The selection of figures in the pantheon can, in part, be explained by the regime’s increasing reliance on the Kremlin since 2020. \u0141uka\u0161enka requires figures acceptable to Moscow. He cannot include those who fought against the Russian Empire (Kalino\u016dski), those who represented non-Russian statehood (such as figures from the GDL or the BNR) or those whose legacies symbolize resistance (such as Byka\u016d or Karatkievi\u010d). Only \u201csafe\u201d figures\u2014princes from Kievan Rus, Orthodox saints and Soviet-era leaders\u2014are deemed appropriate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This explanation accounts for much, but not all, of the regime\u2019s choices. The process of marginalizing Belarusian identity began well before 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Political scientist Valeryj Karbalevi\u010d argues that the regime\u2019s actions may also serve to promote a cult of personality around \u0141uka\u0161enka. Great historical heroes could compete with him as the \u201cfather of the nation.\u201d By removing them from public consciousness, only one symbol remains\u2014\u0141uka\u0161enka as the \u201cfounder of statehood\u201d since 1994. Everything before him is either chaotic (the 1990s), part of the glorious Soviet past or a vague antiquity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This theory is plausible, but it does not fully explain why the pantheon aligns so closely with the doctrine of Western Rusism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Western Rusism and pantheon\u2019s design<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Russian Empire\u2019s ideology after the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth emphasized that Belarus was \u201can ancient Russian land\u201d and Belarusians were \u201cwestern Russians.\u201d The GDL and the Commonwealth were framed as the \u201cPolish yoke,\u201d which Russia had \u201cliberated\u201d its \u201cbrotherly people\u201d from.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the 19th century, this doctrine was institutionalized: the term \u201cBelarus\u201d was banned under Nicholas I, schools were Russified, and the Uniate Church was persecuted. The empire promoted loyalists\u2014Orthodox clergy, officials and intellectuals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the 21st century, the mechanism remains the same, though it now goes by a different name: \u201cthe Russian world.\u201d Belarus is presented as an inseparable part of it, and any attempt to assert a separate Belarusian identity is deemed a \u201cnationalist project\u201d imposed by the West.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hybrid identity<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

So, the pantheon seems to have been designed in line with the ideology of Western Rusism. But does this mean \u0141uka\u0161enka adheres to this doctrine? Unlikely. The reality is more pragmatic\u2014he needs the Kremlin\u2019s support, and a Pantheon that aligns with Moscow\u2019s views helps secure that.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The regime is constructing an imagined community\u2014one in which Belarus is not a civic nation in the traditional sense, but a hybrid identity subordinated to a broader imperial framework. The pantheon is a key tool in this process, fostering a memory of Belarus that does not celebrate its distinct national identity, but rather reinforces the narrative of \u201cWestern Rus.\u201d
\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka regime is constructing a subnational peripheral identity for Belarus within Russia\u2019s imperial framework. A national pantheon is just one of the tools in this process. In late September, Belarusian authorities selected 55 historical figures for an official pantheon of national heroes, which will be depicted on five out of six bas-reliefs set […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":69,"featured_media":108145,"template":"","rubric":[22],"class_list":["post-159073","longreads","type-longreads","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","rubric-theviewer"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nMinsk creating Kremlin-friendly pantheon of national heroes | Pozirk<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka regime is constructing a subnational peripheral identity for Belarus within Russia\u2019s imperial framework. 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