{"id":138086,"date":"2025-05-14T17:14:14","date_gmt":"2025-05-14T14:14:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/138086\/"},"modified":"2026-04-15T13:35:32","modified_gmt":"2026-04-15T13:35:32","slug":"thirty-years-since-lukasenkas-first-referendum-a-turning-point-for-belarus","status":"publish","type":"longreads","link":"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/138086\/","title":{"rendered":"Thirty years since \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s first referendum: a turning point for Belarus"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

May 14 marked 30 years since Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka held his first constitutional referendum\u2014an event that drastically altered Belarus’ political trajectory. The vote replaced the nationalist Pahonia<\/em> state emblem and white-red-white flag with Soviet-style symbols, granted the president sweeping powers and gave formal approval for closer ties with Russia.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n \"\"\n
\n
\n\n \u0141uka\u0161enka shows a drawing of new Belarusian symbols to members of the Supreme Soviet in the run-up to the 1995 referendum\n <\/div>\n \n
\n (Svaboda)<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Rhetoric and violence<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Central Election Commission claimed that an overwhelming majority of voters said \u201cYes\u201d to all four questions put forward by the president. However, the opposition accused \u0141uka\u0161enka of widespread vote rigging.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Just a month earlier, police had stormed the parliament to beat and expel nationalist MPs who had gone on a hunger strike to protest what they called an illegal plebiscite.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n \"\"\n
\n
\n\n Hunger strike by opposition MPs on April 11, 1995\n <\/div>\n \n
\n (bymedia.net)<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Following that event, \u0141uka\u0161enka began using violence as a routine tool to suppress dissent. This culminated in unprecedented brutality surrounding the 2020 presidential election, during which several opposition supporters were killed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the lead-up to the 1995 referendum, \u0141uka\u0161enka replaced the heads of major media outlets, effectively cutting his critics off from mass communication. State television aired a propaganda film hosted by Juryj Azaronak that likened opposition members of the Belarusian Popular Front (BPF) to Nazi collaborators.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The white-red-white flag, stripped of its official status in 1995, later became a symbol of the anti-\u0141uka\u0161enka opposition, particularly during the 2020 protests. The government has since labeled it \u201cfascist\u201d and imposed harsh penalties for displaying it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Control over parliament<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Supreme Soviet, Belarus\u2019s then-legislature, initially resisted \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s power grabs. One of the referendum\u2019s questions authorized the president to dissolve parliament\u2014a power \u0141uka\u0161enka used just one year later to dismantle the Supreme Soviet and replace it with a hand-picked National Assembly loyal to him. He also blocked an impeachment attempt in the fall of 1996.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closer ties with Russia<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u0141uka\u0161enka leveraged public support for economic integration with Russia to pursue political goals. Initially, his aim was to secure cheap Russian energy. Later, as President Boris Yeltsin\u2019s health declined, \u0141uka\u0161enka may have even aspired to succeed him in Moscow.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1999, \u0141uka\u0161enka and Yeltsin signed a union treaty that went far beyond economic matters, laying a framework for possible political unification.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n \"\"\n
\n
\n\n \u0141uka\u0161enka and Yeltsin in Moscow in May 1997\n <\/div>\n \n
\n (yeltsin.ru video\/Pozirk's still)<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Russification<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Throughout this period, \u0141uka\u0161enka combined deception, coercion and political maneuvering to push forward his agenda. His call for economic integration with Russia resonated with a population fatigued by poverty and nostalgic for the Soviet era.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warnings from BPF leader Zianon Pa\u017aniak about the threat of Russian imperialism were dismissed by many, who instead accepted government propaganda portraying the BPF as dangerous extremists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many voters were also uneasy with the BPF\u2019s push to promote the Belarusian language, fearing it would force them to quickly learn a tongue suppressed for generations. This reluctance, shaped by two centuries of Russification, contributed to the public\u2019s support for making Russian an official language.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0141uka\u0161enka portrayed the referendum results as proof of his loyalty to Moscow, repeatedly asserting that he had acted decisively to neutralize so-called \u201cRussophobic nationalists.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vote-rigging machine<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Over the years, \u0141uka\u0161enka held three additional referenda to consolidate his power, including one in 2004 that abolished the two-term presidential limit and enabled him to remain in office indefinitely.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2004 referendum passed without major protests. The Central Election Commission announced that 79.42 percent had supported removing term limits. However, a survey by the Independent Institute of Social, Economic and Political Studies indicated that only 49 percent backed the measure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Critics contend that \u0141uka\u0161enka has rigged every election and referendum held under his rule. This longstanding manipulation ultimately triggered the massive protests of 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Grit, guile, and ruthlessness<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u0141uka\u0161enka appears to genuinely believe that he was divinely chosen to lead Belarus and must cling to power at all costs. His combination of grit, guile and ruthless tactics has allowed him to endure decades of political turbulence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In recent years, however, he has leaned more heavily on brute force, as his rhetoric no longer inspires. The system he has created has shut ordinary citizens out of politics entirely. Official events, such as the May 11 procession featuring a 500-meter-long red-green flag carried in silence, are striking for their lack of enthusiasm\u2014a chilling symbol of a political dead end.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

May 14 marked 30 years since Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka held his first constitutional referendum\u2014an event that drastically altered Belarus’ political trajectory. The vote replaced the nationalist Pahonia state emblem and white-red-white flag with Soviet-style symbols, granted the president sweeping powers and gave formal approval for closer ties with Russia. Rhetoric and violence The Central Election Commission […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":87,"featured_media":137937,"template":"","rubric":[24],"class_list":["post-138086","longreads","type-longreads","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","rubric-theviewer"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nThirty years since \u0141uka\u0161enka\u2019s first referendum: a turning point for Belarus | Pozirk<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"May 14 marked 30 years since Alaksandar \u0141uka\u0161enka held his first constitutional referendum\u2014an event that drastically altered Belarus' political\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/pozirk.online\/en\/longreads\/138086\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Thirty years since 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